Draft of Conference paper presented at ATLAS conference in Viana do
Castello, Portugal September 1997. Please cite from Published version
Copyright asserted by David Macaulay Bruce:
"All heritage is someone's heritage and therefore logically not someone
else's" (Tunbridge and
Ashworth 1996 p.21) is quoted by Lowenthal (1996 p314) to demonstrate
how 'Dissonant
Heritage' complements 'The heritage crusade and the spoils of history"
or "Possessed by the Past"
as the American edition has it. In this millennial age, tourism
is one way society hangs obsessively
to a secure past.
Using the evidence of the brochures and other material from the 131
members of the Walled
Towns Friendship Circle, this paper explores how heritage marketing,
for tourism, feeds back into
the agenda for (European) history.
The three forms of tourism, which may have this knock-back effect, are
'cultural' tourism,
'heritage' tourism and more generally 'reflexive' tourism, all
of which impinge on the
self-awareness and identity of a destination locality and its history.
Seeking to distinguish between the three forms of tourism: 'cultural'
is involved with the life and
arts of the host community and is perceived as contemporary.
The changed name by the new
Labour Government in Britain, from the Department of National Heritage
to the Department of
Culture, Media and Sport is an example of this perception. Tourism
continues to be a major
function of the Department but neither before now since the change
is it part of the departmental
title, which now appears to be a more specific statement of priorities
(Robinson 1997).
In interacting with the host community, a cultural visitor may be more
like George Braque's
artilleryman than his tourist . The involvement may be destructive
of local culture or it may be
supportive of the local arts, though still probably changing them.
Destructive 'cultural' tourism may
include turning folk dancing into a weekly show for the tourists (Wednesday
afternoons at La
Granja in Majorca - a 1997 Brochure). Supportive cultural tourism
could include the additional
audiences for Chester's five-yearly mediaeval mystery plays but the
plays are now performed in
an expensive circus big-top beside the Cathedral rather than in the
open air with the Cathedral as
back-drop (Chester 1997 brochure).
Heritage tourists look more towards the past of the place or locality
being visited. Heritage is
related to the past. It is in the word itself. "Heri-"
(Shorter OED 1973) appears in different forms
in different languages. It is related to 'heir' and inheritance:
what is received from the past as a
birthright; and associated as it is with 'widowing', it may imply
loss. It is also associated with
"hier" in French (yesterday) and even the "yester-" root ("gestern"
in German). It is definitively
about the past. . As the past is unchangeable, heritage
tourists would seem, at first sight, to be
less interactive, less involved.
But culture and heritage mingle in tradition, for tourists do not clearly
differentiate between the
two. This is expressed in the third, the postmodernist descriptor
of tourism and tourists -
'reflexive' (Lash and Urry 1994). Tourists whether consciously
or not affect what they 'gaze' on
(Urry 1990); tourists who, as consumers are yet part of the production
process. The
heritage/tourism industry exploits these 'reflexive' tourists, breaking
down the distinction drawn
between the 'cultural' and 'heritage'. While the past may be
unchangeable, its interpretation and its
influence on the contemporary can and does change.
Ashworth (1994 and with Tunbridge 1996) illustrated the process by which
history and the
artefacts of history are the raw materials packaged by interpretation
into products for the 'user'
industry. The 'heritage industry' (Hewison 1984) - from museums
to Disney - takes on and
makes money out of this packaged past.
Illustration 1 (Ashworth 1994 adapted).
The adaptation to the diagram is the inclusion of a feedback loop back
to the resources, back to
the conservation agencies and back into history itself. This
is the mark of 'reflexive' tourism. It
raises the question for historians 'What is History?' (Carr 1961).
There have usually been
different answers for historians and those looking at history from
'outside'.
Lowenthal can claim to be a professional historian (see flyleaf of paperback
edition of "The Past is
Foreign Country" 1985). Tunbridge and Ashworth carefully do not
so claim: "Neither of us is
historian, sociologist or cultural specialist, which in no way inhibits
us in this task. The past,
contemporary society and human culture are the property of us all and
make appeal without
expert intermediaries." (pp ix,x 1996). While (pages 5-6)
they discuss definitions of history (eg
Croce's "all history is contemporary history") they continue to use
history as a point of reference
against which to contrast 'heritage'.
Historians themselves are well aware that they live in the present and
that they are themselves
'packagers' of facts and 'chronicles'. They are not simply antiquarians;
they contrast themselves
with antiquarians, who collect the documents and artefacts, left by
the past, 'without
interpretation'. But the museum without specific interpretation
is in effect still interpreting the past
through its selection and presentation of the exhibits, as are antiquarians.
A book on Ibiza's Triple
walls illustrates such an antiquarian approach. Published in
a Fascist Spain in 1961, it perhaps
daringly delineates the surviving remains of Arab walls of the expanding
mediaeval town, largely
ignoring the dominant 16th Century (Castillian) outer defences
(Costa Ramon 1961/1985). A
similarly selective approach carried through into active conservation
and restoration will be
discussed for Alcúdia in Mallorca later in this paper.
Historians perceive themselves as storytellers, pattern makers and as
the people who do, "
however-belatedly, justice to the past" (Marsden in Gardiner (Ed) 1990,
citing Mattingly). They
make judgements that inevitably change from generation to generation.
'1066 and all that' (Sellar
and Yeatman 1930) claimed to be the definitive history of England ending
with "A Bad Thing:
AMERICA was thus clearly top nation, and History came to a ."
Not so, new generations of historians arise to re-select, re-interpret
and re-judge the past, even if
the clock cannot be turned back to Britain's apparent former supremacy.
History is much more
like "heritage", as Lowenthal points out, than history seen from the
outside the historian's
profession might suggest. Colley (an historian reviewing Lowenthal's
book TLS 1997) contrasts
heritage as "largely a matter of invention: the re-invention of the
past for present purposes". The
external perception of historians is that they are not 'inventors'
but the truth-seekers; they are the
authorities; they are the people who know and report what went on.
False: they only have their judgement about what went on; the heritage
people have a different
judgement of what went on, or should one say a different selection
of what is significant, perhaps
for a more blatantly commercial purpose. The Tourist Board that
sponsored an historian to write
'The Walled Towns of Wales and Chester' (Barrett 1995) aimed to promote
visitor numbers, not
to redefine history but the inclusion of Chester (in England) emphasised
the intimate historic links
of Wales with the 'Marches'. Lowenthal's book, "The Heritage
Crusade and the Spoils of
History" (1996) is about who does and should possess the story of as
well as the remains of the
past. Who has or should have rights to the past? The local
people, the nation state, a
supra-national body or even an ideal?
The discussion can be pursued through the historiography and the other
relevant literature -
architectural history, tourism studies and sociology. The ownership
of history has changed over
time and place. Starting with history from 'historic times' -
Gibbon (1777-87) and Macaulay
(1855), then considering histories of broad areas (eg Braudel 1949/1972,
Brandi 1939, Schama
1995, Lincoln 1961) and of the 17th Century (eg Wedgwood 1938, Ogg
1965, Porter 1994).
Urban history (eg Friedrichs 1995, Morris 1994, Benevolo 1993) with
architectural and town
planning history focuses on what has been and should be preserved and
what is treated as
heritage (eg Mumford 1965, Summerson 1953/83, Betjeman 1933/70, Michel
1978/95). These
form the intellectual background for prescriptive town planning texts
and reports (eg Worskett
1969, Insall 1968).
Histories of specific cities may be by outsiders or local residents
(eg Armstrong 1996 on
Jerusalem or the history of Alcúdia (Ventayol Suau 1917/1982).
The first direct link to travel and so to tourism comes with the grand
tour, the autobiographies of
the 'grand tourists' (Boswell 1764/1953, Gibbon 1796/1900) and
histories of it (Trease 1967).
That tourism had its influence in the 18th Century on the study of
history. People went on the
Grand Tour and came back as "historians". Lastly in the area
of history comes the series the
'Travellers' History of England (Daniell 1991), - history as a guide
for tourists.
Links with heritage and heritage planning for tourism and cultural tourism
(eg Boniface 1995) build
on the works of Lowenthal (1986, 1996) and of Ashworth and his collaborators
(Ashworth
1991, Ashworth & Tunbridge 1990, Ashworth & Vogd 1992, Ashworth
& Larkham 1994).
Tunbridge and Ashworth (1996) introduce the case of walled towns (p115,
1996) when
discussing the 'heritage of atrocity' (see below for discussion), which
threatens dissonance
between heritage users and its owners or controllers. Bruce and
his collaborators (Jackson &
Bruce. 1992, Bruce 1994, Bruce & Serra 1996) discuss tourism and
its sustainable development
for walled towns in earlier work.
Brochures were collected as part of a survey of all member towns of
the Walled Towns
Friendship Circle (WTFC) in 1993 (supported by European Commission
DGXXIII) and
reported initially in (Collins and Bruce 1993) . References to
the towns in guidebooks were also
reviewed (Rough Guides, Michelin Green Guides and Fodor Guides).
The main medium for further research has been the brochures, which
Tunbridge and Ashworth
refer to as 'current publications which are so commonplace as to pass
unmarked". They cite a
case showing how Cracow/Krakow's "One thousand years of urban history
has … been annexed
by a state which only came into existence in its present nationalist
form 70 years ago" (Tunbridge
and Ashworth 1996, p137). In a number of cases, brochures were
obtained as a result of visiting
the town concerned and therefore have been appreciated in the context
of observation - detailed
study in the cases of Chepstow (Jackson and Bruce 1992), and Alcúdia
(Bruce and Serra
1996). In other cases, the observation has been merely visual
contact from a passing train, for
example Berwick.
The form of analysis of the brochures, for this paper, has been to interrogate
them for reference
to, or implied reference to a decisive phase in the 17th century history
of Europe - the Thirty
Years War and the Treaty of Westphalia - and to see how the data in
brochures would allow new
patterns to be found and perhaps new questions developed. The
Blaeuw map of Europe,
published in 1620 acts as a contemporary overview. Blown up it
shows all the larger towns now
in the Walled Towns Friendship Circle, as well as others that have
subsequently lost their walls.
Illustration 2 The Blaeuw Map of Europe in the 17th Century (and enlarged portion)
1648 was the year of the Treaty of Westphalia, including the Treaty
of Munster, which legalised
the independence of the Dutch Republic from the Kingdom of Spain.
The 17th Century was the
time when "medieval cosmopolitanism gave way to racial self-consciousness,
when religious
bigotry was succeeded by territorial greed" as a cause of wars (Ogg
1965, p170). This was not
necessarily progress but was a critical change. The Thirty Years
War (1618-1648) was a
pan-European and most appalling and complex conflict (Wedgwood 1938).
Ostensibly between
Catholics and Protestants, it is reckoned to have seared the German
psyche (Taylor 1944). Most
of the horror took place across Germany as under- or unpaid armies
marched and
counter-marched in the service of the Swedes, the French, the Habsburgs
(Spanish and Austrian)
and the Dutch, even the English. They burnt the towns and tyrannised
the peasantry in
competition for food sources, torturing them to reveal probably non-existent
hidden stocks.
Simplicissimus, the eye-witness picaresque novel (Grimmelshausen 1669,
trans. 1964) describes
the miseries of a war that prevented a German nation at that time and
stored up problems that
arguably were only resolved in 1989 with a peaceful and democratic
unification of Germany.
The Thirty Years War, on the evidence of brochures, appears to have
a subsidiary conflict
towards its end - commonly called the English Civil War, much of which
clearly took place in
Scotland, Ireland and Wales. It began with the burning of the
walled plantation city of
Londonderry; it ended with the sieges of, and in some cases, massacres
in other Irish towns -
Waterford, Wexford, Drogheda. English historians, following Macaulay
(1849-61) and
Trevelyan (1930) persist in analysing it as an English constitutional
phenomenon, although the
recent "Destruction in the English Civil War" does have a chapter on
the European context
((Porter 1994, p1)
Illustration 3 'Two muskets and a fairly big pipe' (Grimmelshausen 1669)
Grimmelshausen (1669) shows what was often enough to take the town;
the defenders were
persuaded that artillery was available to destroy their medieval walls
so they surrendered (and the
medieval walls survived). The brochure for Drosendorf (Lower
Austria) alludes to the cannonball
that killed only one pig. Such towns have inherited the scar
tissue left over from the seventeenth
century - their walls.
The Walled Towns Friendship Circle includes towns with surviving mediaeval
essentially
vernacular defences - curtain walls with some towers (Brochures for
Noerdlingen, Conwy, Visby)
little different to those built by the Roman Army a thousand years
earlier (eg Lugo, Chester,
Chichester or Thessalonika). Also included are towns with the
'international' scientific
fortifications, designed for 17th century artillery and associated
with the name of Vauban but often
by his Dutch rival van Coehorn. (Eg Brochures from Le Quesnoy,
Naarden, Elvas, Valenca).
These were highly complex constructions, covering every possible artillery
angle and with some
help from the site could be impregnable deterrents (Valletta, Ibiza).
Portugal's borders have a number of examples. Portugal re-won its independence
from Spain
(1640-1659) as a spin-off from the Thirty Years War (Ogg 1965): Guimares,
not far from Viana
do Castella (the site of the 1997 ATLAS conference) has vernacular
walls. Elvas has
sophisticated 17th century fortifications opposite to Spanish antagonists
- Olivenza and Badajoz.
The great bastions of Valenca on the northern border threaten to this
day Eifel's railway bridge
across the Spanish border to the mediaeval defences of Tuy. Such
fortifications explain the
continued existence of the 700 year old frontier (one of the oldest
in Europe, although seriously
challenged in the 16th and 17th Centuries and in the Napoleonic wars).
Only since 1993 is it no
longer a frontier for control and confrontation. In contrast
frontiers within the 'British Isles' have
changed at intervals - in 1536/43 (Wales and England combined), 1707
(England and Scotland),
1801 (Great Britain and Ireland), 1922 (Irish Free State established)
(Daniell 1991) and may do
so again. The brochures show how the walled towns remain to mark
them - Chepstow, Ludlow,
Chester, Berwick and Carlisle.
Walled towns often define the frontiers within Europe. Their 'heritage'
can be used in three ways.
Tunbridge and Ashworth (1996), while not claiming to be historians,
see only the negative and
indeed exaggerate that by associating walled towns in a chapter on
the heritage of atrocity, ranging
from Alcatraz to Auschwitz (pp 94-130).
Walled towns, however, being populated places not just forts can be
interpreted as dividing or
uniting with a common heritage. The opposing Valenca and Tuy,
Moncao and Salvatierra can
suggest new ways of looking at the valley of the Minho/Miño
in a holistic way.
Illustration 4: the Minhu/ Miño valley with the two towns illustrated.
Acting perhaps as 'reflexive' tourism, the ATLAS conference of 1997
itself supplied evidence on
how the frontiers remain rooted in people's minds. Presenting
a draft of this paper near the start
of the conference, I speculated that the delegates might be taken to
both sides of the Minho river,
the Spanish side as well as the Portuguese. In the event we were
not taken out of Portugal, even
though crossing to Spain is now easier than crossing to Chepstow (in
Wales) from Bristol (in
England) where privatised bridge owners levy high tolls except for
cyclists and pedestrians.
(Jackson and Bruce 1992 and brochures). Both Chepstow (Castle)
and Bristol were besieged in
the 'English' Civil War.
The third way of interpreting town walls is to emphasise how they contain
and intensify urban
living. A German proverb, "Stadt Luft macht frei" (cited
in Hodgson 1995 p279)- "town air gives
freedom" is a reference to the role of the walled town as protector
against feudal impositions and
interference. The town of Noerdlingen, in Bavaria is an excellent
example. An Imperial Free
City, it was economically ruined by the Thirty Years War and therefore
architecturally preserved.
It was not taken by storm but twice overlooked a major battle (1634,
1645). The municipalities
and people of such towns now use their walls to develop their local
civic pride (Lincoln 1961).
Quoting an 11th Century Spanish King (Alfonso the Wise) in justification
of the walls of Avila, the
town's brochure says, "...you need a good wall to have a proper city...."
(Avila 1996). Italian
walled towns in Umbria, will rebuild within surviving town walls after
the 1997 earthquakes.
(Nocera, Montefalco, Spello, Perugia as well as famed Assisi (Gerrard
1997)
Alcúdia in Mallorca can act as an example. It was re-fortified
by the Castillian kings of Spain in
the 17th century and for much of the 18th century stood facing Cuidadella
in British-occupied
Minorca (1713-1756). It can be used as an example to show how
brochures and publicity
material both use history, can add to its study and even change it.
It illuminates some of the
problems with brochure analysis. The Alcúdia brochure
is designed to sell the 30,000-bed resort
located about a kilometre beyond the walls. Rather like Tom Lehrer's
view of American foreign
policy in the 1960's ("UN and AOU both have their place… but first
send the marines") tourist
marketers may give lip service to UNESCO (World Heritage) or sustainability
(Green tourism)
but they cannot resist sex as a sales tool.
(Illustration 5: excerpts from the Alcúdia 1996 brochure)
The authorities, controlling the marketing of the town, do not want
to diversify away from its
existing market but only to extend it to include further (cultural/
heritage tourism) segments and to
differentiate themselves from simple Mediterranean beach resorts (Bruce
and Serra 1996). The
image can get confused and the impression given to outsiders - for
instance a guide book writer -
can appear false. The box compares the local town council's brochure
with the Rough Guide to
Mallorca and Minorca (1996)
"Archaeology enthusiasts and those who appreciate the values of the
past will enjoy contemplating
the secular stones of the walled precinct, the turrets, the parish
church, the winding streets with
their ancestral houses offering interesting perspectives of a genuinely
traditional Mallorcan style" -
(Brochure Ajuntament d' Alcúdia 1996)
Alcúdia "wears its history on its sleeve with falsely restored
town walls... the whole place is overly
spick and span." - (Rough Guide to Mallorca 1996)
BOX 1: Insider and outsider views
The guidebook is not necessarily more accurate: the town is not (yet)
overly spick-and-span,
though parts of the walls were in the 1950's rather ham-fistedly over-restored.
More recent
restoration is less in-sensitive and better informed by knowledge of
ancient building techniques.
Illustration 6. Alcúdia 1761 (Picornel, Segui &Ginard
1991) and 1993
The 17th century 'scar tissue' is still apparent. The contrasting
vernacular walls and scientific
(artillery) fortifications from the 17th Century are plain to see.
It is the medieval
(Catalan/Mallorquin) walls that are being restored (WTFC 1997), not
the Castillian 17th Century
defences, only part preserved by their chance use as a bullring.
Current simplistic tourism
marketing needs but also (Mallorquin) nationalism are driving the conservation
and influencing the
selection of the history from the local historian's 3 volume masterwork
(Ventayol Suau
1926/1982).
Alcúdia claims to be seeking World Heritage status and is certainly
pushing hard for sustainability
and green tourism but this Mallorquin nationalism exemplifies a general
issue for heritage
ownership. Historians, as pattern makers choose the level at
which they make their patterns, their
place in the spatial hierarchy.
Tourism and its brochures, has pushed the agenda of history towards
the local level. But
(compare Steve Jones's presentation on the heritage of Wales ATLAS
1997) there is very strong
pressure to pattern-make at the National level (in the Wales, Scottish,
Mallorquin, Catalan form)
or to follow the agenda set by a National Curriculum of a traditional
nation state.
Nation States were endorsed by the treaty of Westphalia in 1648 (except
in Germany and Italy).
The past can be presented on a European or universal level - world
or global. World in this
context tends to connote World Heritage Sites, 'global' to connote
the global village often
meaning Disneyfication or McDonaldisation. At that point "who
needs history when hype brags it
bestest (sic)" (Boniface and Fowler 1993 p65).
World Heritage Sites are nominated by, and effectively selected according
to the priorities of
Nation States. The "N" in UNESCO is significant. Their
purpose may be to serve the national
level interests within a world heritage. This can be controversial
as in the case of the World
Heritage Site (high on the 'at-risk' list) the Walled City of Jerusalem,
nominated by Jordan. World
Heritage is not therefore necessarily or ever neutral. Israeli
brochures talk of a three thousand
year old City of David; archaeologists trace a Jerusalem-named city
much further back
(Join-Lambert 1958 ). Tunbridge and Ashworth quote Cracow with
its concentration of world
Heritage Sites, which define Polish nationality (1996 p.137) as well
as the Jewish Ghetto and near
by Auschwitz. Eastern and Central Europe are full of such conundrums.
A further example is
Banska Stiavnica, a World Heritage site that was developed as a mainly
German 16th century
mining town, at that time in the Habsburg Kingdom of Hungary, now in
Slovakia.
The history agenda -what historians study- has been warped or influenced
in the past. The Grand
Tour, with the European Enlightenment, produced Gibbon and his Decline
and Fall of the Roman
Empire (1788). The nation state and its 'advance to liberalism',
produced Macaulay, Michelet,
von Ranke, (Carr 1961) even as outside observers A.J.P. Taylor (The
Course of German
History" 1944) and Cobb (History of the French Revolution 1950)
Cobb was an Oxford-based historian of the French Revolution. The
reviewer of his posthumous
autobiography, Colin Jones who was a former student (Jones 1997) shows
how Cobb was the
first historian to view the French Revolution from an extra-Parisian
angle, the writing of French
history being dominated by the Sorbonne. His students were encouraged
and funded to study
abroad. Cobb worked in the dismal, misty coal-mining part of
northern France, in
Lille-Roubaix. His students have concentrated on Nimes, Arles
etc. Nice sunny places enjoyable
to visit (as tourists) and to study in. Their agenda, even as
post-graduate students was influenced
by tourism considerations.
For recent examples of a history agenda, nation state National Curricula
are a useful point of
reference. Spain is currently arguing the merits of a curriculum
giving a centralised history of
Spain. Catalans, Basques, Gallicians and doubtless Mallorquins
and Eivissans perceive it as a
Castillian history (BBC World Service 1997): dangerous ground for a
country that has fought a
civil war within living memory.
The national curriculum for history in schools in England requires
"a minimum 50% English history
content, not giving European history a look-in" (Gardiner 1990).
Certainly it would not consider
the English Civil War to be part of European 17th century crisis but
the brochures and the
surviving heritage suggest it be so. Such an idea might make
school children in England think of
themselves as one of the family of European-born peoples, as a part
of Europe. It might make
them question their sense of a uniquely English identity, which as
with many other nationalities can
and (dangerously often) is negatively defined as English meaning "not-European".
German was
once disastrously for Europe defined as meaning "not-Roman, not
civilised" (Schama 1995).
Less ominously, Irish as Scots meant first "not-English" (Lowenthal
1996).
With foreign travel now a near universal part of life for Europeans,
history field trips are not just
by the English children to Chepstow Castle in Wales (to study the National
Curriculum as
brochures point out) but by French children to Canterbury (Le Pelley
and Pettit 1994). A
Noerdlingen teenager brass band dressed in Thirty Years War uniforms
parades through Chester,
Chepstow and Tenby (WTFC 1997) and looks for all the world like an
English Civil War
re-enactment.
Tourism and the ephemeral literature it produces can raise new perspectives
on European History
despite the risks suggested by Juliet Gardiner. As an editor
of historians she quotes "some
commentators despair[ing] at the uncontextualised antiquarian information
gathered on ...trips" and
claims (with David Cannadine) that '"We shall know more and more about
less and less"
(Gardiner 1990, p1)
One perspective suggests the re-interpretation of history to play down
the post-Renaissance
Nation State (Benevolo 1992). Another cognate one plays up local
civic pride but also patterns
of particularist national heritages - Wales, Mallorca, Bavaria - suggesting
a Europe of 'region'
states. A third, naturally sponsored by the European Union through
'INTEREG' funding suggests
the common (sad) inheritance of frontier regions, potentially uniting
for future joint prosperity.
In time, like the 18th century Grand Tour such travel inspired history
might yet produce its
Gibbon. Written by an Englishman, part educated in Switzerland
and fluent in French, Gibbon's
"Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire" was first conceived at Rome
in 1764 in the Forum,
considered for ten years and published in six large volumes over the
following thirteen, just two
years before the French Revolution. That cataclysm utterly undermined
many of its judgements,
particularly after Napoleon had spread the influence of the Revolution
right across Europe,
sweeping away the 'Ancien Regime'. Gibbon remains great history
but it may be no more
definitive than well-interpreted heritage.
David Macaulay Bruce Viana do Castella 1997
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